Censorship

Recent edits to Roald Dahl novels don't undo his history of bigotry

Roald Dahl Story Company and Puffin Books partnered with Inclusive Minds to edit Dahl’s stories. Photo courtesy of solarisgirl via Flickr.

By Jahnavi Pradeep ’23

Opinion Editor 

Content warning: This article discusses antisemitism and racism and mentions fatphobia. 

Roald Dahl is a celebrated British storyteller best known for his works in children’s literature, adult fiction and screenwork. His forays into children’s literature include 16 stories, such as “Charlie and the Chocolate Factory,” “Matilda” and “The Witches.” These books gained popularity for their peculiar sense of humor that accompanied heroic stories of children who combat the adult world. They have been translated into 68 languages, adapted for the screen and the stage and remain as must-reads on the bookshelves of homes, libraries and schools worldwide. 

More recently, Dahl has become the center of a literary debate over the derogatory language coloring his books’ contents. The Telegraph reported on Feb. 17, 2023, that Dahl’s works were undergoing content revisions by Puffin Books and the Roald Dahl Story Company. Per the article, “the publishers have given themselves license to edit the writer as they see fit, chopping, altering and adding where necessary to bring his books in line with contemporary sensibilities.” Puffin Books and the Roald Dahl Story Company partnered with Inclusive Minds, an organization aimed at, according their website, “authentic representation” in children’s literature by supporting diversity, inclusion, and accessibility to tackle offensive vocabulary in Dahl’s literature and adhere to what the Telegraph terms as “contemporary sensibilities.” With over a hundred edits to his works, their joint efforts aim to undo Dahl’s insensitivity toward gender, race and physical appearances, among others. 

On the one hand, the revisions to Dahl’s texts are a welcome maneuver that works toward making children’s literature decreasingly stereotyped in its content and more sensitive to ideas of diversity and inclusion. However, while it can be lauded as a way to make a cherished anthology of books less offensive, simply modifying the text’s vocabulary does not undo the history of stereotypes, bigotry and hatred that Dahl’s texts have perpetrated. Rather than focusing on the prose of the past, our priorities in supporting inclusive children’s media should focus on contemporary work that better represents today’s goals for literature. 

According to The Telegraph, changes have been implemented in ten of Dahl’s books: “Charlie and the Chocolate Factory,” “Esio Trot,” “Fantastic Mr. Fox,” “George’s Marvellous Medicine,” “James and the Giant Peach,” “Matilda,” “The BFG,” “The Enormous Crocodile,” “The Twits” and “The Witches.” One of Dahl’s most notable works, “Charlie and the Chocolate Factory” follows the story of Charlie and four other contestants, children meant to contrast our earnest protagonist, who win a golden ticket to tour Willy Wonka’s chocolate factory. Augustus Gloop is one of the contestants. In the original text, Dahl describes Gloop as “enormously fat.” After revisions, he is simply an “enormous” nine-year-old. 

Another Dahl story, “Matilda,” follows the story of child prodigy Matilda as she navigates home and school life. In her story, the constant mention of “mothers” and “fathers” in the text has been changed to “parents.” As an avid reader, Matilda now reads the books of Jane Austen instead of Rudyard Kipling. A third story, “The BFG,” follows young Sophie’s encounters with, as the title suggests, a big friendly giant whose characterizations have also been rewritten. In the text, the “tall black figure” is a “tall dark figure,” and the “long pale wrinkly face” is now a “long wrinkly face.” The Telegraph notes that tweaks to Dahl’s texts have been common in the past as well. For example, the Oompa Loompas in “Charlie and the Chocolate Factory” were “extensively reimagined over the years.” Still, the current set of revisions is the first large-scale change to his works. 

These changes are imperative — they undo the harm of offensive language that has permeated widely read literature. These alterations become increasingly pertinent when noting that the primary audience of Dahl’s books is comprised of children. Children’s literature has the potential to educate and impact its young readers. Reading habits in children help them learn about themselves, the world and how to communicate with others. Here it becomes crucial to evaluate the types of books kids read, the content of these books and how they might influence children’s critical thinking processes. In my own childhood, I grew up reading several of his books, including all those that Puffins Books and the Roald Dahl Story Company are now revising. While I loved Dahl’s catchy stories and inspiring young protagonists, as a child I was not fully aware of the harm of the texts. Revisiting them as an adult, I immediately realized the blatant bigotry that underlined the stories. Offensive language, as seen in Dahl’s books, can be incredibly harmful in this process, further emphasizing the importance of edits. After all, Dahl is one of the most famous and beloved children’s authors, and it is only right to make his works more conscious in their portrayals. Aware of the popularity of Dahl’s books and the potential for their content to impact young readers, the Roald Dahl Story Company and Puffin Books’ endeavors align with making children’s literature more sensitive in content and are more conscious of its ability to influence readers. In an article for The Guardian, a Roald Dahl Story Company spokesperson discussed the revisions: “Our guiding principle throughout has been to maintain the storylines, characters and the irreverence and sharp-edged spirit of the original text. Any changes made have been small and carefully considered.” Herein, revising Dahl’s language helps future young readers engage with his widely popular stories without allowing implicit biases to form through their reading habits.

Nonetheless, censoring Dahl’s language does not do enough justice to the history of bigotry that both the author and his works carry. Dahl, while celebrated for his gift of writing, was guilty of racism, antisemitism and misogyny. A New York Times article from 2020 discusses how Dahl’s family had to publicly apologize for the author’s outspoken antisemitic comments in his career as a public figure and author. The Roald Dahl Story Company's website features the joint apology of the company and Dahl’s family for the “lasting and understandable hurt caused by Roald Dahl’s antisemitic statements.” The apology goes on to state that “those prejudiced remarks are incomprehensible to us and stand in marked contrast to the man we knew and to the values at the heart of Roald Dahl’s stories, which have positively impacted young people for generations.” 

However, Dahl’s family’s apology does not erase the harm of his hatred, and continuing to celebrate this author erases his problematic past without holding him or his works accountable. Dahl’s sentiments cannot be separated from his work, and this becomes increasingly evident in the manifestation of his bigoted ideas in his literature. In an article for CNN, David M. Perry discusses how Dahl’s antisemitism shows through in his books, such as “The Witches.” Perry discusses how “Dahl created a caste of hook-nosed women who can literally print money and who like to kidnap and murder innocent children. The characterization appears to draw directly from the blood libel slander, the medieval and modern conspiracy theory that Jews annually kidnap and murder Christian children.” Simply editing language that reflects bigotry does not undo the underlying sentiments of the stories and characters. If publishers are committed to inclusion and diversity, they must do better than continuing to champion Dahl’s work. The company spokesperson’s claim of revising texts to “maintain the storylines, characters, and the irreverence and sharp-edged spirit of the original text” is incongruent with their desire to do right by ideas of inclusion and sensitivity. 

A Time article similarly builds on the idea that Dahl’s works reflect his obvious racism. The article explores how the Oompa Loompas in “Charlie and the Chocolate Factory” were meant to be members of an African Pygmy tribe and describes other instances of bigotry and stereotypes in Dahl’s work. For example, in “James and the Giant Peach,'” as per the Time article, “the Grasshopper declares at one point: ‘I’d rather be fried alive and eaten by a Mexican.’” Dahl’s misogyny, ableism and fatphobia are similarly ubiquitous in his books. Characters across books are ridiculed for being fat, Augustus Gloop being one of many. A 2016 article by The Irish Times discusses how Dahl wrote about women, specifically in “The Witches,” where “the witches themselves are terrifying and vile things, and always women.” Here, it is clear that mere revisions are not enough to tackle the hate that pervades Dahl’s literary canon. Simply editing the language used to describe the Oompa Loompas that makes their tribal roots obvious doesn’t erase the problematic root of these characters’ creation. The Telegraph notes that if the publishers had to carry out more than 100 edits, the rampant nature of offensive content in the books is already established in its framework, and simply removing the obvious bias does not undo its place in the work. 

The current drive toward revising Dahl’s work allows us to evaluate whether or not we want to continue heralding his works as essentials of children’s literature. While Dahl may be considered a classic for his excellent penmanship, we cannot easily pardon the bigotry and hatred packed within his novels. Removing Dahl from the literary canon is not easy, but we can treat him as a product of his time and move him to the back of the shelf instead of continuing to actively promote his work. With this, we have an opportunity to make space for new prose, instead of revised literature, that carries the potential to educate children on diversity and inclusion over bias and stereotypes. While revisions are a step toward addressing and changing the problematic past of the writer, publishing houses and agencies can do better by their promise of diversity and inclusion by focusing on the creation of new literature.

Indian government ban on 'India: The Modi Question' reflects the country's dangerous history of censorship

Graphic by Sunny Wei ‘23.

Jahnavi Pradeep ’23

Opinion Editor 


The BBC released a two-part documentary in January 2023 titled “India: The Modi Question”, investigating Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s lengthy reign of Islamophobia within the country. Researched and created by a team of filmmakers who are of Indian origin and live in the United Kingdom, the first part of the documentary traces back to Modi’s involvement in the 2002 communal riots in Gujarat, which occurred during his time as the state’s chief minister. The second part of the documentary, released a week later on Jan. 24, builds hereon to Modi’s prime ministership and continued communal politics in governing India. Packed in among horrifying footage of the riots alongside interviews, new and historical, both parts of “India: The Modi Question probe into the hushed-up politics of the world’s largest democracy and expose the long-simmering anti-Muslim sentiments of its current leader. 

While the BBC documentary did not air in India, it was met with backlash from the Indian state for its content and was quickly dismissed as a mere propaganda scheme against the ruling leader and his party, the Bharatiya Janata Party. For instance, as per Naman Ramachandran for Variety, on Jan. 19, Indian foreign service officer and Spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs Arindam Bagchi blamed the United Kingdom for “[t]he bias, the lack of objectivity, and frankly a continuing colonial mindset” that permeates what he called a “propaganda piece.” 

What is concerning is that the Indian state has not responded with critique alone, but also censorship. Along with officials publicly condemning the documentary, the Indian government proceeded to employ state emergency powers to ban the circulation of the first part of the documentary on social media platforms. While the documentary was not officially banned within the country, the government used more surreptitious methods to make the piece inaccessible to those in India. Segments of the documentary were banned from YouTube by India’s Ministry of Information and Broadcasting in cooperation with YouTube’s parent company, Alphabet. In a New York Times article, Sameer Yasir discussed how the ministry employed the ban through “‘I.T. rules’ passed in 2021 that allow … [the ministry] to suppress virtually any information that appears online.” Twitter’s ban, while not as extensive as YouTube’s, has also restricted access to parts of the documentary within the country. 

The Indian state response to “India: The Modi Question” is harrowing. The BJP government used draconian laws to censor criticism of Modi and his political agendas, reinforcing the party’s already feared threat to Indian democracy since their ascent to power in 2014. The move to restrict the BBC documentary highlights the dangers of Indian digital surveillance in continuing to encroach on privacy of its people while limiting their access to information and their freedom of speech and press, rights enshrined in Article 19 of the Indian constitution. 

The move to restrict the BBC documentary highlights the dangers of Indian digital surveillance in continuing to encroach on privacy of its people while limiting their access to information and their freedom of speech and press, rights enshrined in Article 19 of the Indian constitution.

The restriction of media circulation within India is not a new development of 2023. The country, under the BJP rule, has a history of media monopolization and suppression of opposing intellect, to an extent that journalists, filmmakers and other creators’ lives are at risk. Additionally, the dangers of surveillance are evident in the BJP government’s alleged use of Pegasus software, an invasive high-level software used to tap into people’s personal devices. The software has the ability to turn on phone’s microphones and cameras to spy on their owners. A 2021 Wire article was able to identify 174 targets of the spyware’s clients, among whom were “politicians, journalists, activists, students and many more.” The Wire staff were further able to surmise that since the spyware was sold only to “vetted governments” it would then be “safe to assume that these individuals were targets or potential targets of government or military agencies.” The Indian government came under fire, especially by opposition party leaders, for potential use of the software. Whether or not they were using it themselves, a Hindustan Times article claims that experts probing the spyware’s usage within the country did not receive the cooperation of the BJP government. This position of usage or complacency toward invasive spyware, if holding any validity, is dangerous and encroaches on the privacy of citizens and residents to establish an atmosphere of state-sanctioned control over speech, information and dissent. 

Regardless of if these allegations are true, this atmosphere of media control very much exists in India. Journalists, filmmakers and other activists expressing diversity of thought outside the BJP’s are fired, arrested and even murdered. Gauri Lankesh, editor of the leftist weekly Bangalore-based paper Lankesh Patrike, is one such example. Lankesh was an avid activist for the rights of marginalized minorities of the country and an outspoken critique of right-wing politics and the ruling BJP and Modi. On Sept. 5, 2017, Lankesh was assassinated outside her house, allegedly by right-wing extremists. In 2022, her murder investigation put members of a right-wing group attacking “anti-Hindu” journalists on trial. Furthermore, during her time of death, while crowds rallied to honor her, Modi and the BJP offered no comment. Some BJP supporters even celebrated her assassination on social media platforms. 

Lankesh is not alone. In an article for the New York Times, Rollo Romig charts how the “Committee to Protect Journalists has been keeping track of 35 cases of Indian journalists murdered specifically for their work since 1992, and only two of these cases have resulted in a successful conviction” as of 2019. Reporters Without Borders notes 58 journalist deaths within India since 2003. Dissent outside traditional journalism is also under threat under Modi’s rule. Indian activist Teesta Setalvad was arrested in 2022 on the basis of trying to falsely smear Modi by investigating the same Gujarat riots covered by “India: The Modi Question.” Furthermore, an article for The Hindu chronicles how the Human Rights Watch Report of 2023 documented that “Indian authorities had ‘intensified and broadened’ their crackdown on activist groups and the media through 2022.” The threat to dissent has created an atmosphere wherein opposing intellect, if created, has no place. Documentary filmmaker Anand Patwardhan’s work covers the rise of Hindu nationalism in India, however, he fears officially screening his work in the country. In 2020, Patwardhan spoke to the New York Times about his film “Reason,” covering the death of Indian activists, and how the government banned its screening in Kerala. Students were also arrested for trying to screen another of Patwardhan’s movies, “In the Name of God,” and classrooms were stormed by men who, the article explains, “shouted slogans and kept saying that the film offended their Hindu sentiments.” 

It then becomes obvious that those within the country dissenting against the BJP and Narendra Modi live in a country that poses an immense threat to both their works and lives. This directly conflicts with freedom of speech as per article 19 of the Indian constitution, whose meaning has been manipulated by the current Indian government. The only place where diverse thoughts and opinions may find a platform to challenge the country is from outside it. Yet, the Indian state still finds ways to censor these works and dismiss them under different pretexts. For example, in 2016, the BBC aired a documentary titled India’s Daughter that chronicled the 2012 Nirbhaya gang-rape case that took place in New Delhi. As per the BBC, the film’s set screening on NDTV was “outlawed by the Indian authorities on the grounds of ‘objectionable content,’” and filmmaker Leslee Udwin was accused of disrespecting Indian women as well as breaking prison contracts to gain interviews with the guilty. 

There is no safe space for dissent against the Indian government or any of their politics. Those in India are left without access to anything but what the government wants them to engage with. The 2023 BBC documentary becomes yet another example, dismissed by the Indian government as the product of a colonial mindset. The dismissal removes the critical understanding of how Indians have no safety in creating media within the country, and must turn outward to find any place from where they can offer perspectives without fear of death. And yet, even from outside, their thoughts are successfully silenced by the Indian government. 

“India: The Modi Question” is a chance for audiences to hold the BJP government responsible for Hindu nationalism and violation of the secular vision of India through Modi’s direct involvement in communal riots targeting Muslims.

India: The Modi Question” was created by a production team of Indian filmmakers who conducted in-depth research on the topic before the BBC aired the docu-series on their channel. To recap, the documentary exposes that Modi was directly responsible for the anti-Muslim Gujarat riots of 2002, which took place against the backdrop of the Ayodhya Hindu-Muslim tension. The Sabarmati Express, filled with Hindus traveling from Ayodhya, was supposedly stopped in a Muslim-majority region and attacked and torched by Muslims, successfully killing 58 passengers. In retaliation, Hindus attacked different Muslim neighborhoods across the state, killing over 1000, demolishing religious sites and displacing families into refugee camps. The BBC documentary follows Modi’s involvement in the state-sanctioned retaliations against Muslims after the incident concerning the Sabarmati Express. Modi has long been faced with criticism for his complacency as chief minister during the riots, but the documentary sheds new light by holding him directly responsible for the event. It verbalizes a somewhat known Islamaphobic history for audiences across India and the globe, threatening Modi’s self-perceived reputation as the changemaker of India. 

Its contents cannot simply be discarded as propaganda for its audiences. The documentary follows in-depth interviews with party leaders, journalists, riot victims, activists and others with direct connections to the event, enabling honest storytelling. Banning it dismisses the positionality of its creators and their desire to share a story important to them with audiences who might find it equally important to themselves. It reflects the country’s long-standing intolerance toward critique and their abuse of power to do away with it. This then also does injustice to those within India who desire to engage with materials outside the BJP perspective. Indian citizens and residents must have the right to access information to help inform, educate and allow them to hold power systems in check. India: The Modi Question is a chance for audiences to hold the BJP government responsible for Hindu nationalism and  violation of the secular vision of India through Modi’s direct involvement in communal riots targeting Muslims. 

Along with the sly methods to ban the documentary on social media platforms and discredit the work, the state has also attacked individuals attempting to find ways around the ban to access and watch the film. Students across the country attempted to watch the documentary despite the ban, using a VPN on their phones and personal devices. They also attempted screenings on their college campuses. However, their attempts have been thwarted by government protest. For example, student activists at Jamia Millia Islamia in New Delhi were detained by the police and screenings were restricted by the university itself. The case has been similar at Jawaharlal Nehru University. In another Delhi university, the power supply was cut off before screening. In addition to being similar to the suppression of Patwardhan’s movies, this further alienates those within India from beginning to form any vision and educate themselves on any opinion that differs from the narrow nationalistic vision of the government.

The reception of “India: The Modi Question” reflects how journalism, filmmaking and other forms of media and activism continue to face challenges within the Indian state. While it is getting increasingly difficult for the government to manage ways to censor media within the country in our ever-growing digitally connected world, there is still a dangerous surveillance campaign prying into people’s lives. Modi’s censorship of the BBC documentary in India is an example of the state still attempting to control the media consumption of its people. It emphasizes the dangers of creating or engaging with opposing intellects in India by exposing the threat it poses to careers and lives of activists of different kinds. India is currently under a threat to its democracy, and we must continue to push and challenge the state in ways that we can, while finding the tricky balance of protecting the lives of those who are brave enough to speak up. The documentary is one step toward a continued effort to find ways to confront the government and champion the torchbearers of truth that have suffered at the hands of the state.