By Karishma Ramkarran ’27
Copy Chief
The freedom of press has always been viewed as a cornerstone of democracy. Journalists seek out what is concealed, corrupt, and entirely animus to the well-being of a nation and shed light upon it; perhaps they do not carry out societal transformations, but they are certainly the stimuli which sparks it.
To say my journalistic career began with this belief may be to admit a starry-eyed sense of naivety that imbued my perspective of American journalism. For my high school newspaper, under my staff profile, I once wrote that one “appreciates journalistic writing because of its unique ability to protect democracy by keeping the people informed. Journalists have, since the foundation of America, played a pivotal role in holding those in power accountable.”
Under the tutelage of John Stuart Mill and greatly inspired by my AP U.S. history class, my younger self saw the brilliance of American journalism. Journalists such as Ida B. Wells or Upton Sinclair only seemed to prove the power of investigative journalism by exposing the insidious injustices of a dominant status quo. To me, Wells’ campaign against lynching as a form of socio-political terror against Black Americans or Sinclair’s exposé on the stomach-churning working conditions of immigrants in seedy meat-packing factories confirmed that journalism was the inertia that pushed America ever closer to a hazy dream of egalitarian democracy.
To me, journalism continues to hold a monopoly on justice and democracy today. Still, the Wells or Sinclairs will not be found locked away in a room at the New York Times: They are in Gaza, risking their lives to tell the stories of Palestinians.
One does not need a degree or experience to be a journalist. As I sit in the Williston Memorial Library and write this opinion, I do not think of myself as more qualified than Renad Attallah, a young chef from Gaza who not only shares Palestinian recipes, but also the experience of hunger as Israel blocks aid from reaching Gaza. People become journalists everyday as they are subjected to the most horrifying and heinous injustices. That kind of journalism is often more valuable than the work of the most qualified journalists in America, simply because oppressed people have nothing to gain from whitewashing their own experiences to fit a dominant narrative.
Do these American journalists not feel some semblance of shame when we censor Israel’s genocide of the Palestinian people, especially as journalists in Palestine are systematically targeted and killed? While we type away in an ivory tower of privilege, more journalists have been killed in Palestine than any other modern conflict.
On Aug. 10, Al Jazeera correspondent Mohammed Qreiqeh and cameramen Ibrahim Zaher and Mohammed Noufal, along with Gaza’s Chief Correspondent Anas Al-Sharif, were killed by Israeli forces in an airstrike on a tent near al-Shifa Hospital in eastern Gaza City. A statement by the Israeli military had confirmed that the killings were targeted; Al-Sharif was accused of being the head of a Hamas terrorist cell.
I cannot help but interrogate my own complicity in creating an environment in which journalists in Palestine — who are legally protected by international humanitarian law during times of war — are acceptably murdered by Israel. American journalism, through whitewashing and the policing the language around Israel’s genocide, has failed Palestinians.
Language is a powerful tool, and every word that we write has significant weight. No singular journalist has the superpower to be completely objective; our personal belief systems will always animate the spirit of our words. Yet the issue with American journalism is not a plurality of opinion, but a systematic and hegemonic framing that is subservient to a dominant narrative of American exceptionalism.
As copy chief of the Mount Holyoke News, I spend plenty of time making sure that articles adhere to a specific set of guides set by the Associated Press, a not-for-profit news agency headquartered in New York City. Although we often consult these standards for conventional grammar usage or how to refer to different subjects, things become murkier around the reporting of certain issues.
The Associated Press’ topical guide for “Middle East Conflicts” outlines how journalists should discuss the relationship between Israel and Palestine. Although it may seem like semantics, the way words are used always have political connotations to them, especially within the context of an active genocide.
As journalists, we are meant to refer to Israel’s genocide of Palestinians as the Israel-Hamas war. The term “war” in this context is meant to represent a period of armed conflict between two actors: In this case, the state of Israel and the militant group Hamas. The definition not only disregards the unique status of occupation that Palestinians have been subjected to since 1967, but also suggests that Israel only engages in war tactics with members of Hamas.
Israel does not engage in war with Hamas, but the Palestinian people at large. The ratio of civilians to combatants killed in Palestine is unprecedented in modern warfare: Five out of six Palestinians killed by Israeli forces have been civilians. Almost half of Gaza’s population are under 18 years old, and the U.N.’s Human Rights Office has reported that 70% of those who have been killed were women and children.
In a guest essay published in the New York Times, Feroze Sidhwa — a trauma surgeon in Gaza — described regularly seeing “a young child that was shot in the head or chest, virtually all of whom went on to die.” In the very same article, Sidhwa compiles the testimonies of 44 doctors, nurses and paramedics who had attested to seeing similar patterns in Israel’s war conduct.
To use the term “war” instead of “genocide” or “occupation” to refer to Israel’s actions in Palestine is to become complicit. Although the International Court of Justice has not made an official ruling on the case brought forth by South Africa, several human rights organizations, scholars of genocide and a U.N. commission have since found Israel’s actions in Gaza to amount to genocide.
On Sept. 16, the United Nations’ Human Rights Council reported that an Independent International Commission of Inquiry had found that Israeli forces committed four of five genocidal acts defined by the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. On Oct. 22, the International Court of Justice itself had issued an advisory opinion on Israel’s obligation as an occupying force, including “safeguarding the rights and promoting the best interests of the occupied population” while protecting “its security interests.”
Additionally, the Associated Press warns journalists not to even say “Palestine” to refer to those territories which are historically part of Palestine. One may not say “Palestine” or “the state of Palestine” but rather “the Palestinian territories,” which refer to the West Bank and Gaza. Palestine may only be referred to as a “nation” within the context of “the international bodies which it has been admitted to.”
The ramifications of such language are clear: Not only does it serve to diminish the struggles of the Palestinian people for self-determination, but also, more insidiously, to deny Palestine the legitimacy of being a nation in its own right. To be referred to as a legitimate nation is to recognize that Palestine should be guaranteed the rights that the international community promises to a sovereign nation — it is to ascend from the status of being a mere “occupied population.”
When exactly will Palestine be internationally recognized as an independent state? When its occupying powers allow it to be? If a state must have defined borders, a government or a standing army to be considered sovereign, how shall Palestine ever achieve that under the present conditions of genocide and occupation? Regardless, Palestine is recognized as a state by 75% of U.N. member states, Israel and the United States excluded.
Although there has been a ceasefire in Gaza, Israeli strikes have killed over another 104 people, including 46 children, across Palestine.
Will we, as journalists, fall into line with America’s aiding and abetting of Israel’s genocide of the Palestinian people? Or will we begin to question the way in which the very language we use encourages complacency to a dominant narrative?
Cat McKenna ’28 contributed fact-checking.
Editor’s note: Mount Holyoke News’ style specifics have been updated to deviate from AP guidance, and will hereafter explicitly refer to the State of Israel’s ongoing campaign against Palestinians as genocide.
