Biden’s policy shift in Yemen is not enough to promote peace

Photo courtesy of WikiMedia CommonsProtesters have long rallied against the U.S.’ involvement in the Yemen crisis, though recent administrations have done little to solve the crisis.

Photo courtesy of WikiMedia Commons

Protesters have long rallied against the U.S.’ involvement in the Yemen crisis, though recent administrations have done little to solve the crisis.

By Tasnia Mowla ’23

Assistant Op-Ed Editor

For over six years, Yemen has been torn apart by war. The United States has been supporting a Saudi-led coalition’s military campaign against Houthi rebels from the mountainous northern provinces of Yemen. When Saudi Arabia and its allies launched Operation Decisive Storm in 2015, they were expecting an outright victory within weeks. This assessment was too optimistic. 

The war dragged on, resulting in the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. Now, the Biden administration is seeking to end U.S. involvement in the conflict and is promoting a diplomatic solution. For this policy to succeed, Biden must consider greater inclusion of local actors in the peace process, secure the support of regional allies and contribute more to improve the humanitarian situation in Yemen. 

The United States has an interest in a stable and united Yemen because it would protect international shipping lanes and prevent terrorist groups — like al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula — from finding staging grounds in the country. Former President Barack Obama agreed to support the military intervention, hoping it would be a short war with political negotiations to follow. Obama also needed to placate Saudi Arabia, which vehemently opposed his nuclear deal with Iran. 

Obama’s successor, former President Donald Trump, dropped any notion of a political settlement. Trump backed the Saudis for an all-out victory and vetoed a resolution by the U.S. Congress in 2019 that called for an immediate end to America’s support for the war.

Years of military strikes in Yemen have destroyed homes, uprooted families and ruined livelihoods. According to the United Nations, 80 percent of Yemen’s civilian population is in need of urgent humanitarian aid to escape famine and disease. Public opinion in the U.S. has long been against America’s involvement in the war. A November 2018 YouGov poll commissioned by the International Rescue Committee found that 75 percent of Americans oppose supporting the Saudi-led coalition.

The Biden administration’s stark policy shift raises hope for a political settlement in Yemen and an end to the humanitarian tragedy. The appointment of Special Envoy Tim Lenderking signals the United States’ preference for a diplomatic solution. However, the policy shift is not going to achieve this objective by itself. 

The U.S. is pressuring the warring sides to seriously engage in a United Nations-led peace process in Yemen. State Department Principal Deputy Spokesperson Jalina Porter mentioned on March 17 that “the United States is building on a UN framework and amplifying it throughout our own diplomatic engagement and expanded regional support.”

This approach will hinder any move toward peace in Yemen. Any negotiations led by the United Nations will be guided by Security Council Resolution 2216. Currently, the resolution only recognizes two parties in the conflict. This no longer reflects the situation on the ground. Breakaway groups and shifting alliances will complicate the implementation of any peace agreement between only two parties. Civilian voices will remain marginalized in the peace process. 

In the absence of a central authority in Yemen, women’s groups and civil society actors have been playing significant roles in managing the conflict locally. They have secured local ceasefires, opened roads and facilitated the delivery of social services to those in need. Their role will be crucial to sustaining peace in the country. The Biden administration must push for their voices to be heard at the negotiating table. The U.S. will have to convince the U.N. to adopt a new resolution that will recognize the complex ground realities in Yemen by including more local actors. 

Biden will also have to convince U.S. allies in the region, especially Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, to withdraw their support from the current resolution and accept a new one. Resolution 2216 legitimizes their military intervention in Yemen, something they would want to see preserved. The Biden administration will face an uphill battle, especially as these countries’ interests increasingly do not align with those of the U.S. Additionally, Biden seems to be looking for ways to revive the nuclear deal with Iran, something Saudi Arabia and the UAE vehemently oppose. Keeping regional allies on board may prove to be more challenging for the U.S. than it would be to include the various local groups in the peace process.

Even if an agreement is reached, peace cannot last if Yemen remains a failed state. The U.S. must do more to promote human security across the country. It has already announced an additional aid package of $191 million in March of this year and pledged that the aid will reach those who are most vulnerable. 

Throwing money at the problem will not attain the desired outcome. The biggest obstacle to humanitarian aid reaching the millions in need is the sea and air blockade of northern Yemen imposed by the Saudi-led coalition. Nearly 80 Democrats in Congress have written an open letter to Biden asking him to pressure Saudi Arabia to lift the blockade. The Biden administration appears to be keeping it as a bargaining chip for any eventual negotiation. This will likely be too late for many of the 400,000 children in Yemen who may perish for want of food, fuel or medicine. Unimpeded access to supplies is needed now. It cannot wait for a political settlement.